As the industry continues to commodify sex through print, live bodies, and Internet technology, however, the consumer population is also expanding (Egan, 2006). Gay and female-centered pornography, female-friendly sex shops, and male exotic dance clubs provide an opportunity for men and women of various sexual orientations to participate as consumers in the sex industry (Montemurro, 2001; Smith, 2002). Women with same-sex attractions who are interested in participating as consumers in male-oriented strip clubs pose a unique challenge for such establishments to meet the needs of their “new” and diversified customers (Clements, 2003; Yancey, 2003).

Most strip clubs that feature female exotic dancers allow both male and female patrons to enter, although the majority of customers are men (Thompson & Harred, 1992). Previous studies consequently have focused on male customers, although research has noted the presence of women in strip clubs by including a brief sentence in reference to a woman present in the audience during field research (e.g., Ronai & Cross, 1998). While several have researched female patrons in clubs with male dancers (Dressel & Petersen, 1982; Liepe-Levinson, 2002; Montemurro, Bloom, & Madell, 2003), a recent shift in the consumer base of strip clubs featuring female dancers has involved women attending in larger numbers. Contemporary researchers have yet to fully assess the experience of the female patron in male-oriented strip clubs. As more women frequent strip clubs, how do dancers and clubs integrate them into a sexualized space traditionally targeted to male customers? How do interactions within the strip club facilitate or inhibit the erotic experience for female patrons?

The majority of research on strip clubs has focused on the strippers themselves: how strippers manage stigma (Thompson & Harred, 1992), who strips and why (Skipper & McCaghy, 1970), and how strippers negotiate their interactions with clients and customers (Boles & Garbin, 1974; Enck & Preston, 1988; Forsyth & Deshotels, 1997). Research also has focused on the emotional labor involved in sex work, how exotic dancers construct their narratives, and what is entailed in the performance of eroticism (Barton, 2002; Bell & Sloan, 1998; Chapkis, 1997). Given that most studies involve male customers by default, our research attempts to align itself with a diversifying sex industry that has a growing female consumer base.

This study examines the negotiation of female customers in a space designed for male sexual subjectivity and consumption. Data were gathered through ethnographic methods at four strip clubs and in-depth interviews with eight exotic dancers. Drawing on Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical analysis to probe the interactional dimensions between dancers and customers, we find that dancers interact with female patrons through passing over and sidestaging rather than recognizing them as viable customer marks. We argue that only when a dancer tailors a lap dance to fit the needs of a female patron is the woman able to engage as an active customer in the strip club. We also consider how the strip club may foster an environment conducive to women exploring same-sex desires through eroticism and play.

Is It All About the Money? Generating Profit by Qualifying Viable Marks in Strip Clubs

Since strip clubs are profit-oriented businesses like restaurants and other retail establishments, the objective of both owners and dancers is to make money (Brewster, 2003; Erickson & Tewksbury, 2000; Pasko, 2002). Dancers make most of their profit from giving lap dances or VIP dances (Barton, 2002; Ronai & Ellis, 1989). The dancers must therefore continually interact with the customers in the club by walking around and attempting to solicit drinks and lap dances, usually scanning the floor of a club to find the best (i.e., most lucrative) customer to target. Pasko (2002) likens this exchange to a confidence game (Goffman, 1952; Schur, 1958), wherein the dancer “qualifies” the customer or “mark” by sizing up his appearance and personal characteristics. Once the dancer approaches her mark, she creates a false social relationship with her customer using calculated interactions and manipulations that eventually result in monetary gain (Pasko, 2002, p. 53). Such tools typically are gendered, meaning the dancer appeals to the customer’s masculinity and attempts to fulfill his sexual desires (Frank, 2002).

Dancers rely on cues such as clothing, shoes (Massey & Hope, 2005; Murphy, 2003; Ronai & Ellis, 1989), age, and even race (Brewster, 2003) to identify their marks, which make certain customers more appealing (i.e., more profitable) prospects than others. Some studies focus on the ability or power dancers have to “choose” their mark based on these cues (see Massey & Hope, 2005), while others concentrate on the social relationship that develops after a mark has been chosen (Forsyth & Deshotels, 1997; Frank, 2002; Ronai & Ellis, 1989). Such research exemplifies how a customer, upon entrance into a strip club, is sized up and therefore negotiated accordingly in order to ensure the most profit.

Companies may not like it, but the workplace is a fertile flirting grounds. Office romance can create managerial headaches, cost people jobs and result in messy lawsuits, but ignoring it won’t make it go away. Office romance is fairly common these days as the office is where we spend so much of our time. Handled well it can lead to a relationship. Handled badly it can lead to a lawsuit for harassment.

It is not surprising that romance springs up at the office. We spend a third or more of our lives in the office or other places of work. It is a non-threatening environment where we have an opportunity to meet potential dating partners and learn more about them than just what they look like. Yet romantic involvement between employees is loaded with dangers for both the employees and for their employer.

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